Unprepared and Unsupported: Lebanon’s Migrant Workers Amid Surging Israeli Attacks"

October 2024 — Migrant workers who fled Israeli bombardment at a shelter in Hazmieh, Lebanon. Photo courtesy of Aline Deschamps.

The ongoing escalation of violence between Israel and Hezbollah, particularly the surge in Israeli airstrikes across Lebanon, is amplifying the precarity faced by the country’s most vulnerable groups. Among these are refugees and migrant workers, who, alongside Lebanese citizens, are struggling to survive amid the relentless attacks. Since October 2023, an estimated one million people have been displaced, and over 2,300 have been killed. The looming threat of a full-scale ground invasion adds an additional layer of fear and uncertainty for all residents of Lebanon.

 

However, the situation for Lebanon’s 176,000 migrant workers, particularly domestic workers, is especially alarming. These workers, many of whom come from African and Asian countries, are employed under the kafala system—a sponsorship framework that ties their legal status and freedom to their employers. 

 

The majority of migrant domestic workers in Lebanon are women, working in private households, often in complete isolation. Their dependency on employers, combined with the structural barriers imposed by the kafala system, has rendered them uniquely unprepared and unsupported in the face of conflict and displacement.

 

Surfacing reports highlight the disturbing trend of migrant workers being abandoned by their employers as the conflict worsens, with some even being forced to stay behind and guard homes in areas directly targeted by Israeli airstrikes. Qualitative interviews as part of a needs assessment conducted by the Institute for Migration Studies at the Lebanese American University in the last week of September 2024, provide tragic testimonies of those left behind and underscore the vulnerability these workers face. An Ethiopian domestic worker in Beirut shares:

“For the past two years, I’ve been living in my employer’s house, locked inside. I wasn’t allowed to go out—not even to the store—so I never knew what was happening in the outside world. I only saw the streets from the window. The family took my passport on the first day and told me I couldn’t leave the house without their permission. I didn’t know anyone in Lebanon. No friends, no one to call for help. When the bombs started falling, they just packed their bags and left me behind. I had no idea where to go. I was trapped in that house, and when I finally made it out, it was like stepping into a different world—a world I didn’t know how to survive in.”

 

This testimony captures the enduring broader reality of many migrant domestic workers in Lebanon, who are isolated from society and deprived of basic rights. The kafala system, which enforces this isolation, ensures that these workers are systematically denied the information, resources, and freedom they need to protect themselves in times of crisis. In the context of war, these vulnerabilities are not just a failure of labor protections but a humanitarian disaster.

October 2024 — Migrant workers who fled Israeli bombardment at a shelter in Hazmieh, Lebanon. Photo courtesy of Aline Deschamps.

An abusive sponsorship system and the global debate on migrant labor exploitation

 

The kafala system, which dominates labor migration policies across the Gulf and in Lebanon, has been widely criticized by human rights organizations for creating conditions akin to modern-day slavery. Its structural design ties a migrant worker’s residency status directly to their employer, or kafeel, which severely restricts their autonomy. Migrant workers under kafala are denied the ability to assert their rights, change employers, or seek legal recourse without the employer’s permission. This dependency traps workers in exploitative conditions, rendering them vulnerable to abuse and effectively stripping them of the freedoms and protections afforded to other workers.

 

Regionally and globally, calls to abolish the kafala system have persisted for years. The International Labour Organization (ILO) and numerous human rights groups have long decried the system for the way it renders domestic workers invisible and undervalued within global labor frameworks. 

 

Despite these calls, reforms have been superficial and poorly implemented in most countries, including Lebanon. Amnesty International has labeled kafala an “inherently abusive” system, underscoring that it “increases [migrant workers’] risk of suffering labor exploitation, forced labor, and trafficking, while leaving them with little prospect of obtaining redress.” In Lebanon, migrant domestic workers are excluded from the Lebanese Labor Law, meaning that if the employment relationship ends, even in cases of abuse, workers lose their legal residency and face detention or deportation.

 

The kafala system’s ability to trap workers within abusive dynamics is further exacerbated by employers’ control over critical documents, such as passports and exit visas. Without these, workers cannot leave the country, let alone seek assistance. As one Ethiopian domestic worker recounted, when the conflict in Lebanon escalated she was left with no passport, money, or means of escape. She was abandoned by her employers with no access to legal or humanitarian aid:

“Without my papers, I can’t find a place to stay, and I can’t even reach out to the organizations that help migrant workers because I don’t know where they are, or even how to ask for help. For so long, I’ve been cut off from everything. The kafala system makes sure of that. It keeps you isolated, hidden away, so when the war comes, you’re just left to fend for yourself, but you have no idea how. I don’t know the streets, I don’t know the language, and I don’t have the strength to survive out there. The system made sure I was never able to prepare for this. Now, with nowhere to go, I feel like I’m just waiting for something worse to happen.”

 

Contrary to being an isolated incident, reports indicate that many migrant workers have been left behind during the recent conflict, forced to stay and care for homes in bombed areas or left without any way to flee to safety. Even if they possessed the necessary documents, the economic collapse in Lebanon has rendered flights prohibitively expensive, compounding the impossibility of leaving. Many migrant workers, already earning meager wages, often as low as USD 150 per month before the economic crisis, are no longer receiving salaries at all.

October 2024 — Migrant workers who fled Israeli bombardment at a shelter in Hazmieh, Lebanon. Photo courtesy of Aline Deschamps.

Successive Crises

 

Lebanon has endured a series of overlapping crises in recent years, each exacerbating the already precarious situation of migrant workers in the country. From the 2019 economic collapse to the COVID-19 pandemic and the devastating Beirut Port explosion of August 2020, these successive emergencies have disproportionately impacted the country’s most vulnerable populations. The ongoing armed conflict, which began in October 2023, is only the latest in a series of catastrophes that has left migrant workers, especially those employed under the kafala system, exposed, unsupported, and isolated.

 

Since the beginning of the economic crisis, a large number of domestic workers have been left unpaid for months, and in some cases, years. Employers, facing financial ruin, abandoned their domestic workers, leaving them homeless and stranded. In scenes that drew global attention, domestic workers were seen camping outside various consulates in Beirut, pleading for evacuation as their living conditions deteriorated rapidly.

 

These conditions worsened after the Beirut Port blast on August 4, 2020. The relief response that followed the blast largely excluded migrant workers from access to essential aid. The COVID-19 pandemic further exacerbated these challenges. Migrant domestic workers were confined in their employers’ homes under strict lockdown measures. Many were forced to work without pay, faced wage cuts, or were denied basic protective measures against the virus.

 

As the current armed conflict continues to escalate, the cumulative effects of these crises became more pronounced for migrant workers. Employers, following a pattern seen during previous crises, have abandoned their homes, leaving domestic workers behind to fend for themselves. Without papers, money, or access to safe shelters, many migrant workers are trapped, unable to seek refuge or return to their home countries. Testimonies from migrant workers in Beirut reveal the depth of the abandonment they face. Many recount being left without any means of survival:

“When the conflict started, I was trapped in my employer’s house. They left me with nothing—no passport, no money, and no way to leave. I thought there would be some kind of help, some law that would protect us, but nothing came. I went to an international organization to ask for assistance, but they told me they only help refugees or people with proper documents. I have neither.” (Ethiopian, Female, 39)

 

In a broader context, the situation of migrant workers reflects global trends where migrant laborers are often the first to be discarded during times of crisis. The International Labour Organization (ILO) has repeatedly called for urgent justice mechanisms to address the plight of migrant workers worldwide, particularly in the wake of COVID-19, which exposed the systemic exploitation and exclusion of this labor force. Lebanon, however, remains emblematic of the global failure to protect migrant workers, as evidenced by the continued use of the kafala system and the absence of meaningful reforms.

October 2024 — Migrant workers who fled Israeli bombardment at a shelter in Hazmieh, Lebanon. Photo courtesy of Aline Deschamps.

Grassroots solidarity, hospitality and support systems

 

Amid the ongoing armed conflict, grassroots solidarity networks have become essential lifelines. Composed of migrant rights collectives, faith-based organizations, and community efforts, these groups have stepped in where both the Lebanese government and international humanitarian organizations have failed. However, despite their critical role, they remain under-resourced and unable to meet the vast scale of need.

 

One of the most active groups is Egna Legna, a Beirut-based migrant rights collective providing emergency food, shelter, and temporary work. As a Filipina domestic worker shared:

 

“When the bombing on Beirut started and my employers left, I had no place to go. But some women from my community told me about a grassroots group that helps migrant workers like us. They’ve been giving me food, a place to sleep, and even helped me find some temporary work. Without them, I’d be on the streets.”

 

Faith-based organizations have also offered shelter and meals, though they too are overwhelmed by the growing demand. A Kenyan worker explained:

“I’ve been waiting for days now, with no food and no place to stay. […] It’s only the local groups or churches that are trying to help, and even they can’t reach everyone.”

 

While these grassroots networks are resilient, their efforts are limited by the lack of formal legal protections for migrant workers. Many are undocumented, further restricting the assistance they can receive. Testimonies show that international organizations have largely focused on refugees, leaving migrant workers overlooked. An Ethiopian domestic worker noted:

 

“When the war started, I thought maybe the big international organizations would help us, but no one came. They are helping refugees, but no one talks about the migrant workers who are also displaced. We don’t fit into their categories, and it’s like we’re invisible. I’ve gone to some places where aid is being handed out, but when they see I’m a migrant worker, they say I don’t qualify.”

 

These grassroots efforts are vital, but without a coordinated international response and formal legal protections, they cannot fully address the needs of displaced migrant workers. The international community’s failure to create comprehensive protection frameworks, combined with Lebanon’s neglect, leaves migrant workers at great risk, relying solely on these overstretched networks.

October 2024 — Migrant workers who fled Israeli bombardment at a shelter in Hazmieh, Lebanon. Photo courtesy of Aline Deschamps.

Need for more support structures and reform

 

Migrant domestic workers in Lebanon are highly vulnerable, especially during crises, as they fall through the gaps in national and international support systems. The ongoing armed conflict has further highlighted the need for comprehensive protection mechanisms. Despite long-standing calls to abolish the kafala system, which institutionalizes their exploitation, the sponsorship system persists in Lebanon and other Arab states, trapping workers in cycles of abuse and marginalization.

 

The global debate on migrant labor exploitation centers on dismantling kafala, with organizations like the ILO stressing the need for full integration of domestic workers into formal labor protection frameworks.

 

While some Gulf states have introduced superficial reforms, Lebanon has shown little willingness to change. As long as kafala remains, migrant workers will continue to lack legal rights and access to justice.

 

Lebanon’s latest conflict exposes the profound inequalities in the global labor system. Successive crises—economic collapse, the Beirut Port explosion, and the COVID-19 pandemic—have deepened workers’ vulnerability. Yet, the failure to establish adequate support structures leaves them further abandoned. Urgent reforms are needed at both national and international levels to address these structural inequalities. Without them, migrant workers will remain trapped in exploitation with no recourse to justice or protection. The time for comprehensive action is now.

Jasmin Lilian Diab

Jasmin Lilian Diab is the director of the Institute for Migration Studies at the School of Arts and Sciences at the Lebanese American University, where she also serves as an assistant professor and coordinator of Migration Studies at the Department of Communication, Mobility and Identity. She is a research affiliate at the Centre for Refugee Studies at York University and a global fellow at Brown University’s Center for Human Rights and Humanitarian Studies. As of 2024, she is a Visiting Professor in Migration Studies at Sciences Po Lyon.

 

Maja Janmyr

Dr. Maja Janmyr is a professor of international migration law at the University of Oslo and an associate fellow at the American University of Beirut. Her work in Lebanon focuses on how refugees and other migrants engage with and mobilize legal norms and institutions, and how international refugee law is interpreted and implemented on the ground. She is author of numerous academic and non-academic works, including the graphic novelCardboard Camp: Stories of Sudanese Refugees in Lebanon.

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